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Chirol
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Chirol

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November 2nd, 2008

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Iran Policy Options Part VI

[Part I | Part II | Part III | Part IV | Part V]

Option 4: Grand BargainComprehensive talks to solve most US-Iranian issues

The US would seek to engage Iran diplomatically in comprehensive negotiations to resolve most bilateral political, economic, and security issues. It would begin with secret talks until the Iranian presidential election in June 2009. Ahmadinejad’s reelection is possible but the US should avoid appearing to reward his policies with any public talks before the election. Relatedly, the US should bypass Ahmadinejad and establish a communication channel with Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei who holds the most power in Iran. Washington would make clear it is interested in a fundamental change in bilateral ties but move carefully, beginning with common interests. It will be critical to keep initial talks secret to prevent spoilers on each side from derailing talks. US-Iranian talks in Baghdad would resume and similar ones in Kabul would open. As progress on those fronts is made, new talks would open on other issues like opposing al-Qaeda, the Arabi-Israeli conflict, regional nuclear proliferation, civilian nuclear power and counterbalancing Russia with Iranian oil and gas. More cultural, sporting and academic exchanges could be initiated to build good will to lay the groundwork for detent. The recent licensing of the American Iranian Council to open an office in Tehran is a good example. Publicly, the US would tone down its threatening rhetoric. The end state would be a normalization of ties and ending Iran’s nuclear weapons program.

Pro:
Comprehensive negotiations could achieve all stated U.S. objectives and more. The current narrow focus on Iran’s nuclear activities means that only a limited range of negotiating approaches are available. Widening the scope would put far more issues on the table allowing for a greater range of possible solutions. Additionally,negotiations would last for some time, which would see a change in American leadership in January 2009 and possibly in Iranian leadership in June 2009. It would also allow more time to gauge developments in Afghanistan and Iraq with regard to stability, the nature of their governments and and US troop levels.
It would maintain relationships with regional allies by proving long term U.S. commitment to them and regional security. Should it succeed, Iran would be a valuable ally due to its geographic position straddling Central Asia, the Middle East, Caucasus and Persian Gulf, being both Shia and non-Arab, and a major energy producer. The focus on diplomacy and peaceful negotiations would improve the US image abroad and soft power. Though not a stated objective, credible negotiations would also reassure energy markets and lower prices.

Con:
Comprehensive negotiations with Iran could be seen as rewarding nuclear blackmail and NPT violations. Domestically, it could strengthen Ahmadinejad and justify his policies. It would also reinforce the North Korean example that rogue states can achieve their goals through aggressive and illegal behavior. Even having talks could also undermine the NPT if the US was seen as giving in, especially if talks fail. There is also no guarantee that they will succeed. Lastly, Iran may not negotiate in good faith and use the talks to relieve political and economic pressure while secretly finishing its nuclear weapons program which could lead to an Israeli strike.

Comments to this entry

Alexandru
November 4, 2008
3:22 am
The more I read this series the more I feel like saying this: there is in all likelihood nothing that will stop Iran from _trying_ to achieve nuclear strike capability (at least vs. neighbors), short of physical force.

This is a quite uneducated opinion, but I believe Iran's strategy is something like this.

1. lie, cheat, appease, delay, talk etc. - do anything as long is it brings us closer to having reliable nuclear strike capability
2. make it public that we have it and see the world change their stance on us

In regards to no.2 above, I believe it's obvious that if Iran already had nukes, the US and allies would soon try to somehow legitimize and accept it. Otherwise, there will be a lot of other states around the world who would get a "right" to have nukes for defense, especially ME countries and that's even worse/more complicated to handle than just Iran and Israel having them.

Since the US can ill afford to start a war with Iran at present, I suspect options are more significant for Israel.
ComingAnarchy.com » Blog Archive » Iran Policy Options Part VII
November 4, 2008
4:38 am
[...] [Part I | Part II | Part III | Part IV | Part V | Part VI] [...]
Chirol
November 4, 2008
4:43 am
Alexandru: Youll note that in my assumptions, I specifically said that Iran's decision is reversible. You don't have to agree, however, the series is built on that assumption.

However, to address your point, why do you think Iran will pursue the bomb no matter what? Why do you think Iran even wants it? And why now? Have you conisdered that Iran approached us in 2003 about normalizing relations? Bush shot it down, which I believe was a major mistake.

Additionally, the 2007 NIE notes that Iran did have a weapons program but stopped the warhead component of it in 2003 due to increasing pressure. This implies Iran operates on a cost/benefit analysis and can be influenced.

Again, I'm not claiming to be right, it's just my reading of the situation.
Alexandru
November 6, 2008
12:10 am
Sorry about passing around the assumptions, was a bit of an impulse post.

However, to answer your questions regarding why I assume Iran is going for the bomb, "no matter what".

I believe I have nothing to add to the costs and benefits Iran has on this, and also believe that they operate on a cost/benefit basis, like you said.

My point is that they speculate circumstances very well to not upset anyone too much _and_ get their bomb too, if over a much longer period than technology alone would allow for.

Faced with significant pressure of any type (trade sanctions, military threats etc.) they can stop development on nukes or even give up some of the breakthroughs they've already made (material or intellectual). But after the circumstances that allowed the pressure to be applied would have changed, they will start the program again.

The reason why this works is that, apart from Israel, who may take things much more seriously, the political decision makers of other states who could apply pressure on Iran are conditioned by internal forces which make said pressure be starved for resources on a predictable basis.

Militarily, one can say that the US is not in the best of shapes to threaten Iran when it's already waging war (even if not full-scale) on two global fronts and also facing severe economic trouble at home. Voters will not like a president that focuses too much on Iran and commits too much resources to it while people "at home" are losing jobs. And presidents want to be liked much more than then like to make the world a better place to live and be unsung heroes (well that's pure opinion, I admit it).

Some may say that I exaggerate the role that public opinion and domestic concerns play in limiting foreign policy options. That may be right. But I believe Iran would rationally have a preference to exploit them, because it's their "competitive advantage" as a theocracy over (more or less) democratic nations. They don't have many others, as technologically, militarily and financially they are at a severe disadvantage.

Nuclear arsenals are very effective equalizers on the world political stage. If anything, that's my reason. From a rational, if not moral, point of view, attempting to build a nuke while avoiding military conflict is very much worth it for almost any state. (That's also why the US doesn't want Iran to have nuclear weapons, because it is very much worth it, for Iran).